CHARLESTON, W. Va. - Fatal mine accidents like the one that killed 29 two weeks ago are much less likely at union mines. While 30 percent of coal miners are United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) members, union miners account for only ten percent of coal mine fatalities.

Phil Smith, UMWA communications director, cites safety provisions in their contracts – including job protection for miners who refuse unsafe work, and union members accompanying government inspectors – as some of the reasons for the two-thirds difference.

"Workers who work in union mines are statistically less likely to be involved in fatal accidents than workers who are in a non-union situation."

There also is mounting evidence that Massey Energy's fight with the UMWA could have figured into the conditions at Upper Big Branch. Smith says it was a union mine before Massey bought it, but the company ran what he calls "a difficult union-busting campaign," after which the UMWA lost a tie vote.

When Massey took over the mine, Smith says, seven out of ten miners there favored a union vote. He believes if the Employee Free Choice Act now being debated in Congress had been law, it would have been sufficient for the company to force recognition of the union.

"With over 70 percent signed up on cards, that would have more than met the tests of the Employee Free Choice Act, by a long shot."

More details are emerging about Massey's financial dealings as well. Ted Boettner, executive director of the West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy, says over the last three years, the company was in the 35 percent tax bracket for federal corporate income taxes, but actually paid a little less than six percent.

"The high profits and low taxes paid by Massey Energy are difficult to reconcile with their inability to create a safe mine."

Massey did not return repeated calls for comment.



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A bill vetoed by Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin would have raised the state's minimum wage to $15 an hour starting in 2026.

While the bill moved out of committee and the General Assembly, it did so on party-line votes. Youngkin opposed the bill, saying it could hurt small businesses and some restaurants.

Jay Speer, executive director of the Virginia Poverty Law Center, said it was disappointing to see the measure vetoed.

"Wages are way too low. People cannot afford housing and food and everything else," Speer pointed out. "It's a disappointment that they can't raise the minimum wage so people can survive. I mean, it's long overdue."

Passing the bill was part of a 2020 minimum-wage increase requiring a reauthorization to bring it up to $15. A state study found a person has to make at least $14.55 an hour to afford the cheapest place to live while only spending one-third of his or her income on housing. The current minimum wage in Virginia is $12 an hour, but around 500,000 Virginians make $12 or less.

Youngkin also vetoed a bill ending exemptions from Virginia's minimum-wage requirements for farmworkers or temporary foreign workers.

Kim Bobo, executive director of the Virginia Interfaith Center on Public Policy, said it was not as impactful since most farmworkers make more than the minimum wage. But she said the exemption remains for another reason.

"The only reason farmworkers continue to be exempted in Virginia is racism," Bobo contended. "That's why they're exempted. And, we should just change that, like there's no reason not to. It really does not affect that many workers in Virginia."

Youngkin and other legislators with a farming background said the bill would hinder farmers' ability to turn a profit.

New York restaurant workers need to know their rights to better navigate their workplaces. A new report finds high rates of what it calls "occupational segregation" in the restaurant industry, which can relegate some people to lower-paying jobs.

Workers' rights organizations are counteracting this with training programs. Alima Iskakova, a server for Exquisite Staffing, a catering company, said the CHOW training from Restaurant Opportunities Centers United is helping her.

"Since I completed this training course, I am more confident when it comes to job interviews," she said. "I am more confident - like, when it comes to these types of interviews, plus with all my experience and the knowledge that I got from ROC United, I have a higher income."

She was also trained in safe food handling, OSHA certification and other need-to-know information about the restaurant industry. These courses are available in several cities beyond New York.

The report also notes that, unlike training offered by organizations such as the National Restaurant Association, these courses prioritize developing restaurant workers' power to support individual career development.

The report says racism and sexism abound in the restaurant industry. White men make up a majority of higher-earning positions, such as bartenders.

Although these training courses are helpful, Iskakova noteed that not knowing English can be a disadvantage. She said other cultural differences can make this work challenging.

"In the hospitality industry, even like when people come here as an immigrant, they don't know the rules, they don't know the laws," she said. "And ROC United, they help us to do the cover letter, resume. There are certain things - like, there is a difference."

Another challenge she encountered was the difference between Celsius and Fahrenheit.

Iskakova said her work has been interesting, but she's got ambitions outside of food service. Along with photography, she's a communications major at CUNY.


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With the help of federal aid, Wisconsin is catching up to neighboring states in accelerating clean energy construction projects and the Badger State is taking things a step further by giving union workers greater access to these job opportunities.

Four major utilities operating in Wisconsin recently announced a pledge to hire union workers for clean energy development tied to federal incentives under the Inflation Reduction Act.

Kent Miller, president and business manager of the Wisconsin Laborers' District Council, said it paves the way for a smoother transition to more wind, solar and similar projects.

"With the commitment from the utilities to make sure that the wages and benefits are the same standard as legacy energy, it allows workers to focus on updating their skill sets to meet the needs of the projects, and not worry about, 'Are there concessions in wages and benefits?'" Miller explained.

In earlier phases of renewable energy construction, Miller noted some project leaders focused on bringing in out-of-state, nonunion contractors. As Wisconsin labor organizations now have a seat at the table, Miller stressed the next challenge is getting more advance notice before a project breaks ground, so they ramp up recruiting well ahead of time.

For example, Miller pointed out a utility-scale solar development requires a lot of labor and they want as many people as possible to know about potential openings. He added it includes apprenticeships.

"Somebody could start their apprenticeship career, complete their apprenticeship and become a journey worker through the duration of a utility-scale solar project," Miller stated.

He pointed to the Paris Solar Farm project in Kenosha County, which at its peak, had nearly 150 laborers. Of the apprentices, 70% were women or people of color.

Analysts said the hiring pledge and associated projects could lead to nearly 19,000 construction jobs with prevailing wages.


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